Mist and Pigs

I mentioned last week that an Irish/Scots Gaelic king or lord had serious obligations to his people and was expected to be absolutely just and therefore to maintain the harmony of the human with the natural and supernatural worlds.

Power and glory are always a temptation, though, and particularly in periods when the structure of existence seemed shaky (the Norse invasions and aftermath that – like in England – destroyed some kingdoms and thus encouraged the expansion of others: then the rebound from the Anglo-Norman invasions), some men decided to just go for it, to hell with tradition.

Most of the time, though, the structures of daily life and of society made it easier to do the right thing. And, of course, some poet might always appear to tell you that you were screwing up. It wasn’t just the poet: behind him was the whole power of the forces of nature and “supernature”, and his satire would not only  make people snicker at you, but it would also symbolically withdraw the mandate of heaven, and all kinds of bad things would happen to you and your people.

It’s easier to be good when “good” is normal and expected.

The Tudor and Stuart dynasty English who conquered and colonized Ireland in the late 16th and 17th centuries didn’t care about any of that. Their society assumed you could be a rapacious bastard all your life, and as long as you were of the right religion and paid dues to the authorities, you’d be fine. You could always repent on your death bed, but it sure looked like might made right: the guys who killed and plundered got very rich. 

Anyway, Ireland was there for Englishman to get rich. The people were barbarians and followed the wrong religion and didn’t matter, so you could do things there you couldn’t get away with in England, then go home one day and enjoy life. Or you could grab lands and live like a lord in Ireland while the Teigs did all the work.

The Irish didn’t see it that way.

They saw big armies with cannon and big horses. They saw men who did not observe the rules and thought it was fine to destroy crops and starve people, slaughter prisoners and women and children, lie, go back on an oath, swindle, assassinate…that kind of thing. They saw those guys win again and again and take your lands. No harm done, though: if you were harmless and inoffensive and lucky, they would allow you to use some land at a high rent.

The Irish saw the end of the world.

The same thing has happened often in other times and places, and no one knows, but the Irish could write,
Aogán O Raithile from east of Killarney was rediscovered in the Irish Revival of the 1890s etc. and he is worth rediscovering.  He was born about 1670 and, except for an O Dálaigh family that stayed pretty quiet in the backcountry nearby, the bardic schools were gone, so he did not possess the kind of learning that slightly earlier poets like O Bruadair, O Donncha an Ghleanna, etc. did. This makes him more accessible to us, in a way, because he speaks plainly, not in a traditional idiom.

He was more or less a refugee for most of his life, taking shelter wherever he could find a surviving Irish noble family that still had land. (Mostly they were Mac Carthaigh or de Brún of the old lords of his area.) His poems are those of a man pushed to the edge and dealing with ruin and evil, and they do not mince words.

There was hope, to begin, that the Stuart kings would return to England and right what had been done in Ireland, and his vision poems see the Otherworld Queens returning to the land with good tidings:

Maidean sul smaoin Titan a chosa do luaill
Ar mhullach cnoic aoird aoibhinn do lodamar suas,
Tarraster linn scaoth bhruinneasll soilbhir suairc-
Gasra bhí i Sídh Seanaibh solas-bhrugh thuaidh.

Fearastar scím driaíochta nár doracha snua
Ó Ghaillimh na líog-gheal go Corcaigh na gcuan;
Barra gach crainn síor-chuireas toradh agus cnuas,
Meas daire ar gach coill, fír-mhil ar clochaibh go buan…

Oner morning before the Sun even thought to stir his feet,
To the summit of a fine high hill I climbed (literally “we”).
There came to me a band of joyous happy maidens:
A band from the resplendent (Fairy) palace north there, Shee (Shanid?).

A druid cloud spread over all, of no dark appearance,
From Galway of shining stones to Cork with its bays:
The top of every tree put forth fruit and nuts,
A crop of acorns in each oak wood, true honey on every stone,,,

But by was clear by 1729 that darkness was not to lift.

From a lament for a last Irish lord:

Cabhair ní ghairfead go gcuirthear mé i gcruinn-chomhraiinn,
Dar an leabhar, dá ngairfinn, níor ghaire-de an ní dhomh-sa:
Ár gceodhnasch uile, glac-chumasdach shíl Eoghainn,
Is tóllta a chuisle ‘gus d’imigh a bhrí ar feochaidh…

Mo ghlam is minic, is sílimse síordheora,
Is trom mo thubaist ‘s is duine mé ar míchothrom,
Fonn ní thigeann im ghaire ‘s mé ag caoi ar bhóithre
Ach foghar na Muice nach gontar le saigheadóireacht.

Stadfadsa feasta – is gar dom éag gan mhoill
Ó treascaradh dragain Leamhain, Léin is Laoi:
Rachasd ‘na bhfasc le searc na laoch do chill,
Na flatha fá raibh mu shean roimh éag do Chríost.

I will not cry out for help until I’m put in a narrow coffin,
And by the Book, though I called, it would be no nearer to me.
Our whole support, a skilled hand of the seed of Eoghain,
His veins holed now, and all his might decaying.

It’s often I cry out in pain and tears come always,
Heavy disaster I carry always,  a man on uncertain ground,
No music I hear anywhere near as I go down the road lamenting
But only the squeal of the Pig that is not slain by arrows (i.e. death)

I will stop now and forever, for death draws soon near
Since the dragons of (river) Laune, Killarney and Lee are thrown down.
I will go to them in the graveyard, with love for those heroes:
The lords under whom my own ancestors served (as poets) since before Christ died.


Coxie

 Aoghán O Raithile expressed his rage at the invaders openly in the poem translated here last week, and  his despair.
 

Another poet, either Aodh Buidhe Mac Cruitín of Clare or Cormac O Luinín of Fermanagh or maybe someone else, took a different road.
 

A Courtly Poem For Sir R. Cox (O Luinín) was published in Eigse (vol iv, p.284-6), followed in a later  issue by the article Sgiathluithreach an Choxaigh by Briain O Cuív (A shield-prayer for Cox). O Cuív pointed out that the poem was not the fawning, adulatory exercise that O’Sullivan described, but instead an slightly-camouflaged series of insults. it’s actually hard to see how O’Sullivan missed that fact, but that he seems to have been a contrary and argumentative person.
 

Cox (1650 – 1730) himself was a prominent English landlord, soldier and administrator who as Lord Administrator in 1703 passed “the most penal of the penal laws” and wrote a book, Hibernica Anglicana, telling how the brave, clean-living English defeated hordes of savage barbarian Irish and took control of the place in the interests of good administration. He imprisoned Mac Cruitín in Dublin for daring to publish a book in English dissenting from that view.
 

Do you get the impression he didn’t like the Irish?
 

He also had power, and anybody who wanted to criticize him  could not do it openly.


The  poem in question survives in two manuscripts as far as I know: one by historian of noble Irish family)_ Charles O’Connor (Roscommon), and an earlier one  by Mac Cruitín now at Maynooth. The text is very similar in both.
 

The poem starts out more or less normally enough:

A Risteard mhuirnidh na gcreach,
Go maire tú fá oineach:
Nár théidh tú go hifrionn na gceall,
‘s go raibh tú beo again tamull.
 

A little clumsy in Irish, and, come to think of it, poems of praise don’t usually start by hoping the subject will not go to Hell. The next three quatrains continue to talk about Cox not ending up going to Hell. Yes, a bit odd, but Cox, hearing a translation of them, might just think, “Well, those Irish aren’t much as writers either…”
 

The poem gets weirder:

May you never be felled in an alehouse brawl
 by a four-sided cudgel wielded by a wanderer.
May no unsteady tree ever fall on you:
May your enemies never destroy your coach.

May you never sit on the white mare
A big sore ready to burst on your buttocks.
If ever it happens  you have to go out,
May Christ protect you from the diarrhea.

May you never have to box a big burly soldier
And you with an anguished scab on your neck.
May your britches never fall down in battle
And you without button or button-hole to keep them up
when panicked hasty retreat is called.

May you never have a big open sore on your shoulder
From having to carry heavy bundles each and every day.
May you never be observed sweeping the streets,
Oh  miserable excuse for a mother’s son.

May you and a hag with a hat, on a winter’s day
Never have to stand all day long at the market cross
Crook mouthed from ear to ear
Shivering while you bawl out ballads for sale.

May you never be a penniless wanderer
Traveling all Ireland, cursed and unlucky forever.
With no food, wit hno  clothes, with no  possessions,
Begging hopelessly forever for pennies to live.

May no Church minister ever discover you out in the field
Just as you finish screwing your mother.
May you never have to stand before the congregation,
A sinner’s white sheet all around you.

May you never have to fight for your life
And you on the back of a cursed misshapen horse,
Without saddle, without  reins, without spurs,
Tortured and bothered with the  rain and snow in your face.

while the wind blasts out of the north
Always into your face, never ceasing even for a second,
And you having a tall English hat perched on your head,
Gripping it with desperate fingers lest it fly away.

And then your horse stops all of a sudden, no warning,
Right in the middle of the river ford,
And you in a panic kicking her ribs with your heels
But it’s no good: you have to jump off right there.

It goes on like that for five more verses, four of which are insulting, th last of which could be interpreted as something like praise if you weren’t reading carefully.
 

The poet never says anything like “You’re a vicious tyrant.” He never criticizes Cox at all, and if called out, he could say (like Good Soldier Schweik) “What? I was just saying I hoped bad things don’t happen to you? What did I do wrong?”
Whoever heard the poem in Irish , though, would always think of Cox in these degrading situations and 

might not fear him quite as much. Even if they did, they might smile behind their hands when they saw him ride by.
 

James Scott wrote a big book Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance, Yale, 1985) about his fieldwork  in a Malaysian  village where he focused on the strategies poor peasants used to deal with big farmers and landlords when any open disagreement or opposition is not tolerated.  His point was that silence and apparent agreement do not always imply consent, and poor obsequious  peasants are often smarter and more determined than their betters think.
 

Praise poems are not always about praise, especially when the big people with power know that you are just an Irish fool trying to ingratiate himself with you



Mongan

Má bhíonn cú mhall subhailceach féin, is minic go mbíonn sí déanach chomh maith. Is amhlaidh go bhfuil an diabhal le fuacht ar an nduiche seo le mí go leith, agus tá brat trom sneachtaigh anois again leis, agus leanann a chuid dualgaisí fuacht agus sneachta araon. Do bhí an bean agam breoite agus cat linn chomh maith, i dtreo na raibh d’uaine agam féachaint ar am nblog go dtí seo.

In 1899, Seoirse MacConmara, a doctor in Corofin, north Clare, noticed a child playing with the leather cover of a manuscript on the floor of a house. He saved the manuscript, passed it on to Douglas Hyde, who passed it on to Seamus O Duilearge who published a tale from it in Zeitschrift fur Celtische Philoogie, no 12. (The Germans were the first to take an interest in Old Irish language and Literature in the 20th century.)
 
The tale was entitled Tóruigheacxht (i/e. Tóraíocht) Duibhe Lacha Láimh-Ghile there (The Quest for Black Duck with White Hands)there and it is one of the few copies of a tale usually entitled Serc Duibhe Lacha do Mhongán (Dubh Lacha’s Love for Mongán). (The main other known cooy is in the Book of Fermoy, century), 
 
It’s an interesting enjoyable story. Here, at the beginning, Mongán’s father, Fiachna, king of Dál nAraidhe in what is now county Antrim, has been forced to fight with Ularg, king of Lochlainn (Norway, but often just the Otherworld) in order to fulfill a vow . Things are not going well until a mysterious stranger appears: (my translation)
 
Fiachra summoned the nobility of Ulster then, and set out for Lochlann with a large, warlike host, in order to avenge the offense to himself and the wrong to the dark hag on the king of Lochlann. He gave battle-notice to Ularg when he got there and gave him a delay of three days and three nights, so that he could gather his troops. The King of Lochlann requested battle from Fiachra then, after he'd had gathered his kin.
 
The king of Ulster sent three hundred hardy, valiant warriors into the combat and three venomous sheep were loosed against them from among the king of Lochlann's folk. The sheep went through them and over them like a hawk through small birds, or wolves through scattered herds of sheep on a wide flat plain. That's how the fierce sheep went through Fiachra's folk, and whoever saw them once, never saw them again. The sheep killed three hundred on the second day, and three hundred on the third day, and Fiachra was gloomy at the slaughter and alarming decline that the sheep had inflicted on his folk. He called for his weapons, saying that he'd go to fight the sheep himself, for the sake of his people.
 
"Don't say that, king of Ulster," the lords of his people said. “It's not proper for you to fight sheep."
 
"I give my word," Fiachra said, "that they'll kill no more of the men of Ireland, until I see if I can kill them myself, or until they kill me."
     
Fiachra saw an unknown warrior coming straight towards him then. He was wearing a green mantle, with a fine silk shirt that covered his white skin, a gold band around his hair, and two golden brogues on his feet. 
 
He came up to the king of Ulster “You're gloomy, King of Ulster."
 
"I haven't far to look for a cause: "to be specific, the destruction and stupendous slaughter of my folk by black wizard sheep, and I'm going now to fight them myself."

"What reward would you give to the person that would muzzle them?"  the youth asked in a grave and polite manner.

"Whatever he asked, if it were in my power."
 
"Grant me my own request and I'll muzzle the venomous sheep for you. If you won't, I won't muzzle them, and you won't succeed in doing so either."

"Let me know your reward,.”

"I request the ring that's on your middle finger as a sign to your wife in Ireland, so that I can sleep with her."

"I swear," said Fiachra, "that I won't allow any of the men of Ireland to be killed because I was unwilling to provide that sign."    
 
"It's no loss for you because a miraculous child will be born to your wife, and you'll be called his father. His name will be Mongan mac Fiachra. The boy will be a master of learning in every science proper to the son of a king and high sovereign; and, what's more, I'll take on your own shape, so that your wife won't suffer any indignity."

Fiachra gave the precious ring to the young man who then extracted from the obscure 
recesses of his mantle a sheepdog with a bright silver chain around its neck. 

"At whatever point in time the sheep attack you, loose the sheepdog. I give my word that no a sheep of them will return to the king of Lochlann's dun afterwards and I swear to you that the Lochlann men will submit to you without any further battle after this."

The youth was actually the Many-Skilled One, fair haired Manannan mac Lir, the most learned in druidic powers and arts of all those who lived in that age of the world.

He went on to Ireland, where he slept with the queen and she was left pregnant and heavy-sided.

As regards the sheep: the dog felled them that day, and three hundred of the king of Lochlann's folk along with them. The delight of the king of Ulster and his folk was, as a result of this, unbounded. The gloom and misery of the King of Lochlann and his people was proportionately deep.

Manannan is thus Mongán’s biologic father, and the various anecdotes about Mongán all suggest his mystic knowledge and power, and he played in the traditions of the northeast of Ireland the role of a semi-divine wonder-child who emerged from the womb already versed in the secrets of the universe. He was born of the god Manannan, as in the Toruidheacht17; he was considered the reincarnation of the archetypical seer/poet/hunter of Gaelic tradition, Fionn Mac Cumhaill18; he met the great northern Irish/Scottish saint Colmcille (Columba) and provided him with supernatural knowledge: (See Imacallam Choluim Chiulle agus ind Oclaig oc Carn Eolaire, 8th or 9th century, printed by Kuno Meyer in Zeitschrift fur Celtische Philologie, no. II.)
   
I come from lands of strange things, from lands of familiar things, so that I may learn from you the spot on which died, and the spot on which were born, knowledge and ignorance...I have grazed it (Loch Neagh) when I was a stag, I have swum it when I was a salmon, when I was a seal, I have run upon it when I was a wolf, I have gone around it when I was a human...19  
Manannan prophesied Mongan's birth when he appears to the voyager Bran: 
   
He will have pleasant acquaintance with every elvish dwelling...He will proclaim mysteries (a course of wisdom) without fearing it...The blessed host will take him under a circle of clouds to a festival that is not sorrowful..

 
Mongan did actually live and the annals record his death in 625 A.D., fighting the Britons of Strathclyde in Lowland Scotland. It doesn't follow from this fact that these tales about Mongan have a place in textbooks of early Irish history: the historical Mongan has simply assumed a mythological persona attributed in other centuries to other figures. It's no longer clear why this persona became attached to Mongan in particular. We know that he was of the royal family of the kingdom of Dal nAraidhe (the south of County Antrim), that his father Fiachna Fionn Mac Baetain was provincial king of the Ulaid (Ulstermen) and was killed by Fiachna Dubh Mac Demmain (king of neighboring Dal Fiachrach) in the battle of Lethed Midind in 626, after reigning for some thirty-eight years. Fiachna was also commemorated in a tale (now lost) about his attack on Bamborough in northern England: Sluagad Fiachna meic Baitain co Dun nGuaire i Saxanaib. Mongan did marry Dubh Lacha, daughter of Fiachna Dubh, and was felt to have connections with the important nearby monastery of Bangor. Not much else is known of him. Why he had become within a hundred years of his death a supernatural figure in the tradition is unclear, but stories about Mongan feature in one of the first known manuscripts of written Gaelic literature, the eighth century: Cin Droma Snechta produced at the monastery of Druim Snechta near present-day Monaghan town. 
 
The other short tales and anecdotes about him are scattered in various places. Some are noted in Kuno Meyer and Alred Nutt’s Immram Brain:  The Voyage of Bran (London, two volumes, 1895-7) (The book is now available online:    )
 
Why is Mongán ibn a book focused on the tale of Bran?
Stories of both feature in what is believed to be the first secular Irish manuscript or at least the first well-known one, Cín Dromma Sneacxhtai. Produced probably in the monastery at Bangor. (The Mongán story is Compert M., and the Bran story is Immram Brain.
 
The various tales in the Cín demonstrate the process of the creation of a written literature from a strictly oral one, and a very perceptive examinatiuion of such matters and many others is to be found in Proinsis Mac Cana’s paper Mongán Mac Fiachna agus Immram Brain, Eriu, no. 23, 1972, and  in On the Prehistory of Immram Brain, no. 25, and in The Sinless Otherworld of Immram Brain, no. ?) They are seminal papers of an intelligence not often seen in Irish learning since.

The context was an ongoing debate between Mac Cana and James Carney. 

Irish society was changing quickly in the 196-s and 1970s and drawing much closer to Britain after Fianna Fáil’s half-hearted attempt to build an Irish economy focused on Ireland, drawing away from its long-term dependence on the export of agricultural products (mostly cattle, beef and milk and milk products) to Britain. Postwar European prosperity meant there was more money around everywhere, and private sector business took on an increasing social importance, overshadowing the state sector that had dominated since independence. The newly-influential business sector had no time for or interest in outdated traditions.

One outmoded tradition, as James Carney saw it, was the mostly unstated but general assumption that early Irish literature and tradition draw on native and even pre-Christian roots. Scholars like Myles Dillon drew attention to the many Irish parallels to ancient Sanskrit literary and social practice, and Mac Cana investigated continuity in Irish tradition.
 
Carney saw Christian and Classical Latin sources for Irish literature, and a monastic origin for the structure of learning. Most people didn’t care oner way or the other, but the ongoing Carney/Mac Cana debate had not only academic implications. Was Irish tradition somewhat unique and particular to Ireland, or was it just another expression of a cosmopolitan medieval Latin culture of no particular significance: and, by implication, did Ireland have its own identity and culture, or was it just an unfortunately very backward corner of the EU?
 
Mac Cana was professor at the University of Wales for a while, and after (though Professor at University College, Dublin, between 1971 and 1985,( was mostly associated with Celtic Studies at the Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, an institution that intentionally did not have high student.
Professor Carney was at Maynooth, a place with much higher student numbers, and it is interesting to compare the subscribers to their respective festschrift. Mac Cana’s lists a lot of Welshmen, foreigners and Irish scholars who used Irish as a living language. Carey’s lists the mainstream of contemporary Irish scholarship, many of whom had been either students of his or of his students, and Carney’s views have dominated Irish scholarship, really up to the present.
 
I suppose it is clear where my sympathies lie,
 
A similar disregard for the native Irish tradition, or in this case, viewpoint, characterized the field of Irish history since the mid-1960s, for similar reasons. It was only when Kevin Whelan’s closely-researched work on Early Modern Irish social history appeared that the “Revionist” dominance began to wane, and today, it is possible to assume academically that British dominance of Ireland was not an unmixed blessing.
 
It may be that Irish Literature is too minor, inconspicuous a field to support a current debate similar to that which occurred in Irish History. The field has, im my opinion, floundered during the last thirty years, and it is only sat University College, Cork, that engaged, exciting work is being done, and there almost only in Early Modern and Modern literature.
 
The oral tradition is pretty much gone, but the texts are still there, though, and offer just as much as they ever have to those interested. I suppose, though, in a way, what you bring to them influences what you get from them.





Irish? Who Cares?

 Irish? Who Cares?

 

Irish literature is uniquely interesting, the oldest surviving European literature  after Greek and Latin, but it is very different from them\. It is  a voice from ancient Europe, a voice from beyond the town walls, and a vessel of at least 2500 years of human experience in the island of Ireland, and also in the Highlands of Scotland, because the Highlanders were really just Irish with boats.

 

In the late eighteenth and  nineteenth centuries, Irish society underwent a traumatic, extended, violent break with all that had gone before. The social structure that resulted in many areas was an unbalanced, neurotic one; communities of survivors and of people who had watched their neighbors go under. Yes, that was long ago, but the world view and social structures that “long ago: engendered are still with us in a mutated form. In the silence when the power is switched off, ghosts still walk. People learn Irish to reconnect to the main line of  the development of Irish culture.

 

The land in many places still speaks Irish, and I don’t mean place names. Irish land and its “energy” (for lack of a better term) and Irish language have shaped one another, and to know anything really about the place in all its dimensions, one must know Irish and know Irish well. Some people want to reconnect to ‘Eire’ and so learn Irish for that reason.

 

Because no state or corporation has ever used it, it is unlike most modern standard languages. It is not streamlined, slick and facile, and does not facilitate easy assumptions or consumption. Ads in Irish still seem odd and uncomfortable. It is not a language that has been formed more by face-to-face interactions than by the media.. It has not, until very recently cared much about what went on in offices  or in boardrooms.

 

Some people just like languages, and Irish is a fairly unique one. It developed on the margins and  possesses a long written record. It demonstrates fascinating developments in morphology, syntax and phonology, and it’s got palatalized consonants, all those prepositional forms and the weird VSO sentence structure. Some people learn Irish because it’s fascinating.

 

Traditional spoken Irish is a complex, apparently unnecessary language whose logic is not always superficially visible. It’s a language in which there are deep groves of silent trees still, places into which explorers from Google and Apple Corp may never come. It is a language formed by seasons and weather, by the human mind in face-to-face community, and by the necessities of physical existence.  It and other languages like it are part of the Wild, and though Irish cannot offer physical refuge to modern people in our headlong rush to wherever it is we're going, it can offer intellectual, emotional and psychic refuge for a while longer. 

 

But does any of this matter? I mean, is it worth getting all worked up about?

 

Maybe not. Nothing is permanent. So many people and cultures have already gone without a memory.

 

On the other hand…Some of us, cursed or blessed, cannot simply turn away, and let Irish and those other things pass away.

 

Not for its sake, but for our own.

 


 

Tá Mé ’mo Shuídhe

 

I am awake since the moon rose last night,

here kindling the fire restlessly, feeding it desperately.

The folk of the house are all stretched out and I am alone;

the cocks are crowing and all the world’s asleep, but for me.

 

Tá mé imo shuídhe ó d'éirigh an ghealach aréir,

ag cur teineadh sios, faraor, a's ag fadadh go géar.

Tá bunadh an toighe ina luíghe, a's tá mise liom fhéin,

tá na coiligh ag glaoch a's tá an tír ina gcodladh, ach mé.

 

Your mouth, your face are my soul’s desire,

your shining blue eyes for which I abandoned pleasure and rest.

In sorrow after you, I can’t see to walk the road,

and, oh, friend of my heart, the mountains stand between you and I.

 

 Learned folk say that love is a mortal sickness:

I didn’t believe them, until it tore my own heart inside.

A desperate disease, it's my sorrow that I didn’t escape it:

it sends a sharp arrow, a hundred arrows through the center of my heart.

 

I met an elvish woman down at the hollow by the ford:

I asked her was there anything that would loose the fetters of love.

She said quietly, in a gentle fair voice,

“When once it goes into the heart, never, never will it loose its grasp.”



New site back up

 Hello,


The power line was restored, so the new site at www.cranfis.com is back up.



Not Sure

 Hello   Blogger is still preventing me from posting anything longer than three paragraphs. I will soon  start a new ste on another platform, but things have been very busy and the host site requires a lot of work.


The new site will a;lso feature two bhooks to be published toward the end of April.


I apologize again for all this, though not for Blogger.


J. Callahan

Dangerous Sheep


Hello,

I am sorry, Blogger is only allowing me to post three paragraphs here, for some reason. I am trying to figure it out and fix it. I will start a new blog at a new venue on 3/17 to corresponf to the release of a book. Sorry again for the confusion.

As of 2/3/26, I still do not know what is going on with Blogger

As of 2/6, I am still unable to post it, even on a companion blog (Celtic Love Songs, on which I have not posted for many months. It is possible Blogger has decided I've written too much. I will keep investigating (it is very difficult to get an answer from Blogger) but will probably move to another platform in a week or so. I will post the address here.

I apologize for all this!

Má bhíonn cú mhall subhasilceach féin, is minic go mbíonn sí déanach comh maith. Is amhlaidh go bhfuil an diabhal le fuacht ar an nduiche sel le mí go leith, agus tá brat trom sneachtaigh anois ann again leis, agus leanann a chuid dualgaisí fuacht agus sneachta arpon. Rud eile, do bhí an bean agam breoite agus cat linn breoite comh maith, i dtreo na raibh d’uaine agam féachaint ar am mblog go dtí seo.

In 1899, Seoirse MacConmara, a doctor in Corofin, north Clare, noticed a child playing with the leather cover of a manuscript on the floor of a house. He saved the manuscript, passed it on to Douglas Hyde, who then passed it on to Seamus O Duilearga who published a tale from it in Zeitschrift fur Celtische Philologie, no 17, 1928 . (The Germans were the first to take an interest in Old Irish language and Literature in the 20th century.) The tale was entitled Tóruigheacht (i. e. Tóraíocht) Duibhe Lacha Láimh-Ghile (The Quest for Black Duck with White Hands) there and it is one of the few copies of a tale usually entitled Serc Duibhe Lacha do Mhongán (Dubh Lacha’s Love for Mongán). (The main other known copy is in the Book of Fermoy, compiled in the14th century to 16th centuries.)

It’s an interesting enjoyable story. Here is a translation of a snippet from the beginning, Mongán’s father, Fiachna, king of Dál nAraidhe in what is now county Antrim, has been forced to fight with Ularg, king of Lochlainn (Norway, but often just the Otherworld) in order to fulfill a vow . Things are not going well until a mysterious stranger appears: (my translation)



A Quick Pilgrimage in Search of Oats

 It used to be accepted as an obvious fact that the Irish and the Highlanders were people given to wandering, and that they are all born with an itch in their feet that can only be cured by travel and emigration.

For proof, you only had to look in any big English, American, or more recently, Australian town. There were Irish all over the place! Highlanders were more often out in the countryside and so drew less attention to themselves, but they were there as well. And wasn’t it those crowds of Irish monks that saved civilization or something back in the eighth and ninth centuries? There wasn’t an Italian, French or German monastery where you wouldn’t hear a brogue back then, and they left graffiti in Gaelic in all the manuscripts.

It's obviously something in the genes.

Fewer people care about such things anymore. For one thing, the Irish are less visible in foreign places today, maybe partly because they are less obviously different. (Irish in 19th century America were apparently only one step above Native Americans, and even in 1950s and early 1960s England they were awkwardly old-fashioned.) Irish or Celtic wanderlust may die an intellectual natural death, like some old writer long gone out of fashion and reduced to boring strangers in late-night bars. Or maybe not.

Since last week was even busier than the one before, and I have still not had time to write about oats and vegetables, I’d like to look at the genesis of the wanderlust idea and do my small part to help it expire.

Fil suil nglais                                                        There is a blue eye

Fégbas Erinn dar a hais:                                       that will look back at Ireland:

Noco n-aceba iarmo-thá                                       never more shall it see

Firu Erenn nach a mná.                                        the men of Ireland or its women.

12th century: attributed to Colm Cille as he left Ireland in 563 A.D. (“fil” used as the independent verb “to be” in Middle Irish. Lenition not shown.)

 

Robads mellach, a meic mo Dé,                      It would be pleasant, oh son of my God

(dingnaib réimenn)                                          in wondrous voyages

ascnam tar tuinn topur ndílenmnm                  to travel over deluge-fountained waves

dochum nErenn…                                            to Ireland…

 

Rom-lín múich i n-ingnais Eirenn                   Sorrow filled me, away from Ireland

Díamsa coimsech,                                              though I was powerful,

‘san tír ainéoil conam-tharla                              making me in the foreign land

Taideóir tuirsech.                                               Tearful and sad,


Poem from about 100 A.D, also attributed to Colm Cille,

 Perigrinatio, Intentional separation from loved ones and from the world – from everything known – was an important practice of early Irish monks, and this could be effected by going to the continent or setting off west or north into the unknown.

The continent was attractive in some ways since that was where Christianity came from and there were monasteries and manuscripts and relics and so on, besides all the strange, unpleasant, foreign places and people, but it was still considered a kind of martyrdom to leave Ireland.

West and north provided a more immediate break with the known world, since it was mostly ocean. Irish monks trusted to God to steer their tiny boats, and they were in Iceland before the Norse, and on all kinds of tiny islands and rocks, but I suppose others starved or drowned before finding a retreat.  West and north may have had their own lesser, maybe subconscious, attraction though: there were older  traditions of Otherworld islands out there, and these traditions gave rise mostly Christianized tales like that of Bran and Mael Dúin.


The important point was that perigrinatio was intended to be difficult and unpleasant, and leaving Ireland was suffering. There are poems whose whole point is that and the assumed composers talk about how difficult it was and how much they miss Ireland.

Later travelers made the same point.

Diombáidh trial ó thulchaibh Fáil,                             A sorrow to travel from, the hills of Ireland,

Diombháidh iath Eireann d’fhághbháil,                     a sorrow to leave the lands of Ireland.

Iath milis na mbeann mbeachach,                              Sweet lands of bee-filled mountains

Inis na n-eang n-óigheachach.                                    Island of fields of young horses.

 

Cé tá mo thriall tar sál soir,                                              Although I travel east over the sea,

Ar dtabhairt cúil d’iath Fhiontain,                                   When I turned away from Ireland,

Do scar croidhe fan ród rinn—                                        my heart left me as I traveled--                                            

Níor char fód eile acht Eirinn.                                         It loves no land but Ireland,

 

Fód is truime toradh crann,                                            Land of heaviest tree fruit.

Fód is fearuaine fearann:                                                land where grass is greenest:

Sanchar braonach beartach,                                            the ancient plain with its streams and

                                                                                        sheaves

An tír chraobhach chruithneachtach…                           the green-branched land of wheat.



Three verses of seven composed by Uilliam Nuinseann from Delvin, County Westmeath (born 1550) as he was about to go to England in the mid-sixteenth century. He got home again, but lost his lands for having fought with O Neill against Queen Elizabeth and the rest.

(For more about him and his Anglo-Irish family, see Eigse, #6, 1949 , Poems of Exile by Uilleam Nuinseann by Gerard Murphy.

Nineteenth century immigrants didn’t want to leave either, but they had no choice because they could no longer get access to land, and there was no other way to feed themselves and their families.

 From Duanag do’n Mhorbhairbe (A little song to Morvern, Highlands of Scotland)

Tha clann Aonghuis air am fuadach                         The Macleods of Fuinary are                                                                                                     banished

‘s gann tha duine san Leth-uachdraichach,              and hardly a man left in the Upper Part:

 claidhe is ballachan fuara                                        stone wallss and bare house walls are

suaithnicheas na tím chaidh seachad.                       a symbol of the time that has passed.

 

An oidhche roimhe, bha mi bruadar                           I dreamed last night

Bhith mar abhaist an Rathuaidhe.                             That I was in Rahoy as I used to be.

Nuair a dhúusg me  -- fáth mo chruadail –               when I woke – reason for my misery --

E cho fada bhuainn ‘s a’ ghealach,,,                          it was as far from me as the moon.

 

And from Oran úr mu Sgrios nan Croitearan (A new song about the destruction of the crofters.)

Fhad  ‘s bhios cridhe bláth ‘nam chum,                      As long as I have live heart in my chest

Is teanga am bheul gu cainnt,                                     and tongue in mouth with which to speak,

bidh an tír ‘san d’fhuair mi árach óg                          the land in which I was nourished                       young

le sólas  tighinn am chuimhne.                                  Will come with joy in my memory.

Mar is fhaide théid mi om dhuthaich,                        The farther I go from my land

‘s ann as dlúithe an dáimh,                                         Love/loyalty are all the firmer

‘s cha díochuimhnioch mi an taigh dubh                    and I will never forget the little house

‘san d’rugadh me sa ghleann.                                     In which I was born in the glen

                                            

Ged tha ‘n duine bochd fo tháir                                    Though the poor man is despised

Am beachdan árd luchd -uaill,                                      in the opinion of the great and proud,

An inbhe mhór, am bósd ‘s an cliú                               their high rank, their boasts and                   reputation

tha leams’ ‘na mhasladh buan:                                      I think it a great insult

a liuthad gleann ‘s a chuir iad fás                                 considering all the glens they cleared

le feidh an áite an tsluaigh,                                           and put deer in place of the people

san tigh ‘s nach cuireadh iad an coin,                          and the house into which they would not

 put the dogs

tha an croitéir bochd gun truan.                                  There is the poor crofter unpitied.

 

Duncan MacPherson was born in Rahoy in Morvern in the 1830s and ended up in New Zealand. He is one the local poets in The Gaelic Bards of Morvern, self published by Iain Thornber (Morvern), 1985, and no one has ever heard of him.


It might be worth mentioning that today, there is probably no one in Morvern whose family was there a hundred years ago. Everyone who is there is there because work on the estate or tourist trade, etc. etc. brought them.

It wasn’t only going to a foreign land that was horrible: even leaving one’s native village was terrible. The people were part of their place in a way moderners can hardly imagine, and their people before them  had been forever. Leave? Was it even possible?

Maybe not, but they had no choice.

There are many stories about starving people carrying their dead child or spouse who died insan Droch-Shaoil many miles so that the dead one could rest in the graveyard of their native place among their kin and neighbors.

There are many stories of people out at night meeting ghosts who are traveling there. Here are two from Seanchas Amhlaoibhh Uí Luínse, Comhairle Bhéaloideas Eireann, 1980. He was a Mid-Cork storyteller who died in 1947.)

Bhí feirmeoir áirithe n-ar (i.e. gur) ghlaoig fear siúil chuige i gcóir na hoíche. Ach do ráinig gur cailleag (cailleadh) an fear siúil i dtigh an fheirmeora. (There was a particular farmer to whom a begger came for the night. But it happened that the begger died in the farmer’s house.)

An oíche a bhíothas á thórramhj, do bhuail chútha isteach seana-bhean (agus thosnaigh sí ag caoine an fear siúil) (The night he was being waked, a little old woman came in.)

Mo chara thú is mo rún,

Is níl agum bád ná lúng

A bhéarfadh tú chun siúil

Go teampall Acha’n Dúin.

 

(My kinsman and my love,

I am without a boat or ship

To take you away

To the church of A. an D.)

 

The man of the house asks where Acha’n Dúin is. She tells him, but then he asks “Ca bhfios dom canad (ce'n ait) ann go gcuirfí é? (How would I know where in the graveyard he would be buried?)

“Ní ghá dhuit ach é a bhreith  go dtí geata na reilige, agus tógfar dhíot a chúram ansan.” (You only need to carry him to the gate of the cemetary and the matter will be taken off you.)

Bhí sé déanach um thráthnóna nuair a shroiseadar Acha’n Dúin. Nuair a chuadar go geata na reilige, bhí ceathrar fear anso rómpu. Thógadar an chora amach as an dturcail agus riug leo ar a nguaillibh isteach geata na reilge. Níor labhradar  féin…”

 (It was late in the evening when they reached A an D. When they went to the gate of the cemetery, there were four men waiting for them. They took the coffin out of the cart and took it on their shoulders in the gate of the cemetery. They themselves did not speak…”

 (The point is that the old woman and the four men are some of the dead of A an D., probably kin).


The second story concerns a man from the storyteller’s village who was buried in another place, “though he should have been buried in his place.”. He appears to his kin when they are milking out in the pasture and asked them to bring his body to Baile Mhúirne. They don’t bother to do that, thinking it's just a passing thing.

He soon appears to them again and when asked, tells them that in the foreign cemetery, he is “mar a bheadh gé iasachta idir scata géanna: prioc agus giub age gach éinne orm,” (like a foreign goose among a flock of geese: every one of them and a push and a beak at me.”

His relations go and bring his body to his home place.


There were many such stories and I’d leave them here, only it would seem repetitious and, yes, I’m very busy.

At any rate, the renowned Gaelic wanderlust had very specific causes, and in its more modern form, was born of necessity. The Irish and Highlanders left home only when forced to, and dreaded leaving.

The assumed wanderlust is an example of lazy, shoddy thinking of which there is plenty in the world today

However…having dismissed the idea of Gaelic wanderlust, I’ve got to admit that some of the Irish emigration of the 1980s and later was aided by the fact that, despite U2 and James Joyce, a lot of twentieth century Irish knew that America etc and its way of life and culture were much! better than dingy old Ireland, so why not go where life was good?



Mist and Pigs

I mentioned last week that an Irish/Scots Gaelic king or lord had serious obligations to his people and was expected to be absolutely just a...