Writing the Hard Times

I wrote last week that the unattached poetry linked to the tale of Suibhne survives in only one old manuscript, and that the tale survives in really only one manuscript, that written by Dáibhi Ỏ Duibhgheannain in the late 17th century. (There is a slightly later copy of his text, and also a summary of the tale, not deriving from Dáibhi’s text, in an Ỏ Cleirigh manuscript.) If Dáibhi had not happened to copy the text or write it down, and had not his manuscript survived, we would only have tantalizing allusions to Suibhne and a few stray poems.

An Laighneach soilbhir solasta súgach sámh:    (merry, bright, merry, peaceful)

Is binn an Connachtach oirfideach, clú na ndámh:   (musical, famous for learning)

Is groí gan sosa in am troda an tUltach grámhach:   (ceaselessly hardy, time of battle, kindly)

I ngníomh ‘s I bhfocal is follas an Mhumhain i mbláth.  (In deed and in word, evident, in bloom)

Like the traditional rann above says, Connacht, and particularly east Connacht, was known for many important hereditary learned families, of whom the Uí Dhuibhgheannain and Uí Maolchonaire were perhaps the most important. Daibhidh was of the old Kilronan (northeast Roscommon) branch, but traditional society had been destroyed by the time he came on the sod, and he spent most of his life in other places. Three of his manuscripts survive, as far as I know: B iv , C iv 1 and 24 p 9 in the Royal Irish Academy. All three are important and preserve unique things.

The manuscripts may have survived because his wife’s family was linked to the O’Connors (the old kings of much of north Roscommon) as retainers, and the manuscripts passed down to Charles O’Connor (1710-1791), a very important scholar who carried traditional learning into the new  colonial world.


Leitrim and north Roscommon were rough country, rugged and forested and not as attractive to colonists as some other places, so some local noble families managed to hold onto something in the margins. There was O’Connor, O’Roddy in Fenagh (Leitrim), the Counselor MacDonagh (east Sligo), O Donaill in Larkfield and Maguire in Tempo (Fermanagh). O Connor and these others provided shelter and encouragement to the survivors of the local learned families, and the manuscripts brought to their houses or generated there tended to survive.

Outside those houses, though, times were bad.


It is difficult for us whose lives have passed in a more or less peaceful world and in more or less stable societies to appreciate the devastating enormity of the tonn-bhriseadh (shipwreck) Irish society experienced between, say, 1602 and, say, 1860. A never-ending horde of big well-equipped  armies disgorged from England, followed by endless crowds of adventurers and entrepreneurs out to turn Ireland and the Irish into money. The native Irish had no recourse: no rights: no help. They could try to play the game the eway the foreigners did and amass money and land, but the English were then much better at it, and most natives eventually lost out.  The whole thing (the Droch-Shaol, literally The Evil Times) came to a conclusion of sorts in the Famine when life for all the then extraneous peasants turned into a nightmare hell. Yes, some families had adapted or been lucky and prospered as market-oriented big farmers in the colonial economy, but they were the minority.

But all that was yet to come.

Dáibhi’s earliest surviving manuscript is 24 P 9 and he wrote it in the house of Tadhg O’Flaherty by Loch Measg, a long way from home. Soon after, he was nearby in east Conamara. The extremely violent, bloody Cromwellian wars were still raging, and both places were probably as safe and  out of the way as he could find. (He was lame in one leg and one hand and was never a warrior.)

All we know of him and most other writers is contained in stray notes in their manuscripts or mentions by later writers who knew something of them, because very few contemporary Irish records survive. There were never the piles of administrative records such as the manorial and state systems  England and France created, but English conquerors regarded what existed as irrelevant trash and pieces of barbarism, and therefore not a priority for preservation. A good many new English records were generated by the process of conquest, assimilation and administration, but Dáibhi managed to elude the net, and we know him only from his own words.

By 1672 when he was writing B iv I, he was back in his own area, in Shanco, County Sligo, just over the border from Roscommon and Leitrim, and still wearing himself out. “Sguirim (I will stop) agus mise ag tuitim im chodladh,” he writes in one place, and “Sguirim agus mo lámh trom tuirseach.” “Atá an sneachta ag fuaradh mo lámh: sguirim go dtrásda.” (for now). “A Dhia, fóir tinneas mo chinn, amen.”  (help the pain in my head), “In Aonach Uí Bhethnachain  domh, agus anfa an locha anall do’m bhuaidhreadh.” (storm: troubling me)

In one place, he mentions the traditional practice where the learned recited tales or poetry for people gatthered, though that is all passed away now, he says: “Beanneacht ar anmhain na ndictóraí maith do mhairids, (on the souls of the good reciters who once were), do beireadh seo síos domhsa gan mo thuirsiú. i.e. without Daibhidh having to write things down.)

(By the way, these notes in the margins of manuscripts provide a vivid picture of the life of those who wrote them. The following note makes more sense if you remember that scribes took turns writing and left messages on the margins of the page for each other. Egerton 88, the manuscript from which this is taken, is full of ancienmt law texts that are written in very difficult language.

“Mise Dónal Ỏ Duibh dhá Bhoirinn. Oíche féile Mhuire anocht agus faoi faoiseamh Múire domh agus atáim diombhacxh do mnai(bh)  an toghe agus ní bhuí(och) mé d’fhir an tighe agus a Dhia, a Dhaibhi, is mairg gan peann uait aige ní beag dhe, ach dar liom féin, is ro-mhaith a dhuiltáim “Mac as Orbád”  agus cé be a bheas ag iarraidh dá dhiultadh, tiocfaidh chugam-sa agus cuirfead ar eolas é…(Volume I, Catalogue of Irish Manuscripts in the British Library (formerly British Museum), edited by Standish Hayes O’Grady, 1926 pp.115) (spelling modernized)

Or in O’Grady’s translation which cannot be bettered “I am Donal O Davoren.  Tonight is Ladyday-Eve, and under Mary’s safeguard I place myself. I am angry with the woman of the house, in no ways pleased with the man of the house: and, my goodness, David, 'tis a pity but he had a pen from you (i.e. you mend a pen so badly). Enough upon that head, and in my own opinion, it is right well (i.e. justifiably) that I refuse Mac an Orbad (the subject and title of the following section of the manuscript he was copying from)  and if anyone shall be desirous of getting a still further refusal, let him come to me and I will show him where to find it…)

(This and many many more are in Egerton 88, a law manuscript written by Dónal and a few others around 1564 etc in north Clare.)

Weary or not, Dáibhi himself  kept going and it is thanks to him that we have good versions of Buile Shuibhne, The Battle of Magh Raith, Toraíocht Diarmuid agus Grainne, Toraíocht Taise Taoibh-Ghile, and many others. If he and the others like him had taken the easy road, we would now have only rumors of the tales and much else.

 It could easily have happened trhat way, and there is much to be said for traditional virtues like courage and persistence. May we not be called upon to demonstrate them as the men and women of Dáibhi’s generation were.



By the way, there is another version of the quatrain that is  at the beginning of the post: one for the pessimistic or bad-tempered.

 An Laighneach soirbh-ghlic, corach, do lúbfaidh lán:   (avariciously clever,slippery, who twists things)

Is cainnteach Connachtach, conablach clamhach gan cháil: (mangy, trashy person, without virtues)

Bladhmann foclach folamh sa Mhumhain de ghnáth: (wordy empty blather: usually)

Saint a’s formad obair an Ulta, a’s gráin.  (avarice, envy, and anger)

The rann refers obliquely to the ancient division of the provinces according to the three “social functions” of ancient Indo-European society: farmers, fertility and prosperity in Leinster: learning in Connacht: warriors in Ulster, and, well, Munster was a bit weird and borders the Otherworld, doesn’t it? They do talk a lot, though, and sometimes don’t really say a lot, at least in the opinion of outsiders.

(The best assessment of this matter of the traditional division of the provinces is still the Rees brothers “Celtic Heritage.” 1961. The topic was not fashionable and when Dillon and MacCana passed away,  Carney’s students who dominated Irish language scholarship in the nineteen-eighties and after had no interest in it.)

Sweeny's Wild Ride

 

A fundamental element in the structure of traditional Irish culture was the complementary opposition of, on the one hand, the settled, civilized, human world, and, on the other, the Wild. This is a pretty obvious split and occurs in many cultures, but it played a particularly important part in the Irish understanding of existence.

The Wild was the primal reality on which the Human was founded, but human society could not exist in unmediated connection to the Wild. The Wild--uncreated raw Being -- was the source, but it was too powerful, too fluid and unconstrained for ordinary everyday life. After all, it is difficult to build a house on the sea: for that, you need solid ground Traditional Irish culture and the social structure that arose from it provided that ground, but a tension between Human and Wild: light and dark: Summer and Winter:  the Otherworld and the human world: Lucht Sí and the human: the spoken and unspoken rules of settled life versus unconstrained life in the wild:  etc.,  etc., is often expressed in the literature

And not just in literature: until maybe 1600 in most parts of Ireland and the Highlands, the Wild was always there out beyond the common arable fields and pastures and could not be disregarded in the same way our society ignores, trivializes and disregards it. The Wild was not just pretty flowers and sunsets: it was dangerous for those who did not know how to deal with it.


The traditional Irish/Celtic quarter days (Halloween, St. Bridget’s Day, May Day and the first of August) provided occasions when the human community either ventured into the Wild, or received representatives from it, as it were, on Halloween and St. Bridget’s Day. In the Summer half of the year, the human community celebrated “out there.” In the Winter half of the year, on Halloween and St. Bridget’s day, bands of young men or women disguised themselves and symbolically  brought the Wild into the human world.

Some individuals went to live out there, either intentionally (Christian hermits, na Fianna etc.) or because they were ejected from human society through some trauma or dislocation. Just as the ancient God Lugh obtained the secrets of farming etc. from a dark chthonic figure in the Otherworld and brought them back to the human community, and as Nera brought knowledge of the future, and innumerable others brought gifts, the Otherworld/Wild could be generous. It could also be deadly. It all depended on if one knew the proper attitude with which to approach it.


One well-known “ejectee” was Suibhne, a king of Dál nAraidh in what is now County  Antrim who went mad in the historical battle of Moira, County Down (Mag Roth), 637 A.D.: a battle in which the rising Ỏ Neill dynasty once and for all defeated the Ulaidh, the ancient kings of the North. The king lists of the Dál nAraidh don’t actually list Suibhne, however, and, on the common pattern, a historical or presumed-historical figure has simply been used to compose a tale exploring cultural issues of importance.

In the story, he shows massive vainglorious disrespect to a saint in the lead-up to the battle, and the saint cursed him. He went mad during the battle and ran away and lived in the woods and mountains for many years. The story – Buile Shuibhne – explores themes like “fallen greatness” and so on, and vain attempts to regain his sanity, but it mostly evokes a life in the woods and mountains, set apart from the human community. It is, in outline, a tragic story, but his time in the Wild was traditionally accounted as one of the three virtues of the Battle of Moira. It is not his madness that was prized, but all the poetry he left behind or was believed to have left behind.

It is great poetry. Seamus Heaney, the well-known contemporary Anglo-Irish poet did versions which he published as Sweeney Astray, but the originals and translation are easily available in Gerard Murphy’s Early Irish Poetry along with a great vocabulary and notes. (No surprise there.) The tale itself, containing some of the poetry is available in the Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies Medieval and Modern Irish Texts series. (no translation.)

The unattached poetry survives in only one old manuscript, and the tale in really only one written by Daibhidh Ỏ Duibhgheannain in the late 17th century. (There is a slightly later copy of his text, and also a summary of the tale, not deriving from Daibhidh’s text, in an Ỏ Cleirigh manuscript.) If Daibhidh had not happened to copy the text or write it down, and had not his manuscript survived, we would only have tantalizing allusions to Suibhne and a few stray poems.

Daibhi was a very interesting person who lived in “:interesting” times, and I will write about him next week.

Meanwhile, here are snippets of the poetry taken from Early Irish Lyrics, along with Murphy’s translations because they cannon be improved on. (Note that this is Middle Irish spelling.)


From “The Cry of the Garbh  (Barrow estuary)” composed about 1150

Cairche cíuil at-chluinimse                                I hear melodious music in the Garb

‘sin Gairb go nglúaire geimrid:                          at the time of its winter splendor:

Ra muirn móir con=tuilimse                               I sleep to the sound of great revelry

I n-aiche adúair eigrid                                         on a very cold icy night.

 

Éoin chalaid co céolchaire,                                Musical birds of the shore,

Céolbinne a ngotha gnátha:                                  music-sweet their constant cryings

Impa rom-geib éolchaire,                                    Lonely longing has seized me to hear

‘má ceilebrad cech trátha.                                  Their chanting as they sing the hours

(pages 114-115, Early Irish Lyrics)






From “Suibhne in the Woods”

 A bennáin, a búiredáin,                                                       Antlered one, belling one.

A béicadáin binn,                                                                    you of the melodious cry.

Is binn linn in cúicherán                                                      we love to hear the sound

Do-ní tú ‘sin glinn.                                                                  Which you make in the glen.

 

A dair dosach duilledach,                                                   Bushy leafy oak

Ar ard ós cinn chruinn                                                          you are high above every tree:

A cholláin, a chráebacháin,                                              little hazel, branchy one,

A chomhra chnó cuill.                                                          Coffer for hazel nuts.

(pages 122-123)


Suibhne in the Snow

 Rom-chráid sic (sín nách súirc):                                     I have been tormented by frost (weather 

                                                                                          that is not pleasant)

Rom-thúairg Snechta ar Sléib Meic Sín:                          Snow has beaten on me on the Kerry Stacks

In-nocht rom-geguin in gáeth                                           Tonight the wind has wounded me

Gan fráech Glenna Bolcáin bil.                                        Far from the heather of pleasant Glenn             Bolcáin

 

A useful consideration of context is "A Study of the Padraig O Riain, published in Eigse, 

volume 14,. part 3, 1972, pp.179-206


Gearóid Ỏ Murchú (Gerald Murphy) was also a northerner, a Monaghan man who fell in

love with Irish as an adolescent and did a man’s work for the culture, between collecting

folktales in west Cork and Kerry, founding the great periodical Éigse, editing Volume Two of

Duanaire Finn, Early Irish Lyrics, and  other books, as well as innumerable articles.

The Dean's List 1515

 

The Dean’s List

 

Ireland and the Highlands of Scotland are two very different places. 

Ireland is, well, all those Irish things, and the Highlands are Outlander, whiskey, mountains and so forth. Each country has its own readily recognizable identity in the Euro Mosaic, and most observers would note only a few points of similarity. There is rain, of course,  a brogue, and, um, red hair?

The problem is that these identities are  simply nineteenth and twentieth century, plus contemporary  branding, and have nothing to do with reality. Ireland and the Highlands were a single culture area until, say, the 16th century when both were integrated into different expanding states, England and (Lowland) Scotland. That extended process did change each one in notable ways that brought them a long ways along the road to Today and Totally Almost Different

Only…Who cares?



I think this sort of thing certainly does matter to those interested in the places, but also to those who would in general  prefer reality to be based on, well, reality, and not thrown together using whatever happened to be lying around handy, or constructed according to other principles, often by people motivated by a desire for profit or efficiency,

I want to look here at Ione tiny facet of the question. There is some good music involved and not too many more of my opinions.

Irish Literature is known because a number of specific manuscripts written in response to specific needs in specific places and times survived into the late 19th century. One of these manuscripts is from the Highlands, specifically  Fortingall (Perthshire), about ten miles north of a long-term boundary between Highlands and Lowlands.




It is all poetry and is thought to have mostly been written by James MacGregor (The Dean of Lismore)  and people associated with him between 1512 and 1542: written from the recitation of filí and bards as they passed through. It has lost an unknown number of front and back pages, but there are 312 pages left. It’s no surprise then that there are many poems concerning more or less  the local area (plus Argyll to the west, and the area of the Lords of the Isles) but a lot of the poems are Irish.

Not just in Irish but written about people or places in Ireland whether by Irish or Highland authors. It is quite possible that Irish poets traveling in the Highlands recited them in Fortingall, or Highland poets who had travelled in Ireland did. Irish and Highland poets traveled.  

There’s hint of an explanation for the presence of some poems. For example, the several poems concerning the O’Connor and Mac Diarmaid lordships in north Roscommon might be there because there was also a small Mac Diarmaid family in Perthshire, and a Perthshire poet went to visit the old country or at least looked out for poems about it. Most of the Irish poems have no particular excuse for being there, though. I suspect  some of them were just considered good poems that a civilized person needed to be familiar with. Others maybe just got remembered when James MacGregor happened to be  there with pen and paper.

(Don’t think long poems can’t travel  accurately in people’s minds. Several of the poems in the Irish O’Reilly bardic duanaire were only written down from the recitation of an old man who had heard them recited many years before. Eighteenth-century Munster Irish poets regularly sent their long poems to other poets, not on paper, but memorized by messengers, then recited. Storyteller Seán O Conail had accurately a long extract from an Irish book he heard read once years before.)

There is a great poem to a harp that was in the house of the lord of Cenal Fiachrach in Westmeath in the 14th century, (It’s printed from the only other known copy -- known to me at least – in Bergin’s Irish Bardic Poetry.) There are two of the great poems attributed to Queen Gormfhlaith in the 10th century (Printed from again the only other source by Bergin.) There are  poems from the famous 13th century Muireadhach Ớ Dálaigh of Sligo, Palestine, Scotland etc), and several from Gearóid Mac Gearailt, famous poet/lord of Limerick/North Clare in the 14th century.

More importantly, the work of the many Highland poets is indistinguishable from that of the Irish poets. Both use the same register of learned Irish. Both draw on the same body of practice, imagery,  learned legend and history in their work.  The Highland poets clearly know the full “Irish” literature. They “know”  Ireland.

Scotland was about to begin its individual journey toward the kilt, and Ireland toward the pint of stout, but at this point, both were simply parts of the same cultural area, or, if you like, nation.

(You can find more information on this manuscript, The Book of the Dean of Lismore, in the National Library of Scotland section on the Irish Script on Screen site.)

(It survived, by the way, because a 17th century Dean appropriated it and took it with him home to East Inverness-shire, where a descendent of his, a parish priest in the 18th century was the friend of a friend of a very early manuscript collector.)

The manuscript provides an interesting picture of a little world that has vanished utterly. There all kinds of poems about all kinds of things, including love poems, bardic poems, an elaborate, urgent call to do something about all the damn wolves up in the hills, religious poems and what used to be called ribald or scurrilous poetry. Somebody appeared to have had a bad experience with a woman or women and has recorded everything he could find about how deceitful and untrustworthy they are.

It was not a static little world. James MacGregor was not some ancient druid: he was a notary learned in law and administration and had probably been educated at Edinburgh or Aberdeen Universities where he learned standard written Lowland English which he and his collaborators used this to write down what they heard. (This was not common practice: local contemporaries used  the “Irish” script in this period and it was known into early 18th century in the Highlands.) The bardic poems to MacGregor lords and their neighbors document what was still a fairly peaceful world, but the next phase of Campbell world conquest was about to happen, and the MacGregors, former Campbell allies, were right in the way.

The Campbells…Everybody knows the Campbells. They are an example of a lordly family that decided the new emerging world of dog-eat-dog and devil take the hindmost, and “The ones who has most stuff when he dies, wins,”  was great

The Highlands had been a traditional society where many social practices were regarded as set and not to be changed around for the sake of profit or power or for any other reason. Things only really started to change in the late 15th century when the Lowland kings and Highland allies (mostly  Campbells) destroyed The Lords of the Isles who had been basically the Kings of the Highlands. With no one overseeing the Highland world anymore, ambitious ruthless people like the Campbells finally had an opportunity  to go for it.  They didn’t mind violence, but the law,  -- mostly the new Lowland kings’ feudal law -- was their weapon of choice.

 Say a kin group had been in a place forever and had come to regard themselves as inseparable from the place, so they were scarcely able to conceive of themselves separately from the place. That did not mean the Campbells didn’t have the right to screw them out of it and take the land and charge new tenants whatever rent they could get.  

The Campbells might, say, instigate and encourage a feud between the group in question  and some other group,  then get the Lowland King  --  very ready to do whatever necessary to extend his own power and grab land and goods -- to go after them: for the public good, of course. . The  Campbells stayed well-versed in legal matters and expert in garden-variety legal fraud of various sorts.

No matter how it happened, though, their neighbors’ land often ended up somehow  Campbell land. The clan became more and more important.

They went after some MacGregor lands and thus the MacGregors who were already there. The Campbells had sharp lawyers and influence and smarts. The MacGregors  mostly had swords, but they were tough and knew the country, so the war got very nasty. The Campbells  eventually got all MacGregors outlawed, with the Lowland King’s permission to exterminate them.

The fighting and burning and finnagling went on for many many years, and it’s probably a good thing the Book of the Dean of Lismore was taken to a quieter area. Rob Roy was one player in the final stages of the struggle, but there were other heroes and villeins before him. The whole thing would be just another sad tale of violence and injustice, were it not for the fact four great songs came out of it: songs that are still considered classics in the 21st century in what remains of Scottish Gaelic society.

What makes a song great?

None of them would get many hits today, no matter what platform was pushing them. Different cultures value different things.

The poet Sorley McLean spoke of  songs “in which ineffable melodies rise like exhalations from the rhythms and resonances of the words.” (Ris a' Bhruthaich: The Criticism and Prose Writings of Sorley MacLean, Ed. William Gillies, Acair Limited, 1985: p 106). These songs, he said, are “primarily lyrical  with the story sometimes told fairly fully, sometimes only implied. All those poems are direct and immediate…Generally they are passionate, but the emotional rage is considerable: sometimes there is a mingling of emotions and frequently a detached commentary on emotion.  They have an exquisite visual as well as auditory sensuousness…) (p. 76-77

MacLean commented somewhere else that he wasn’t sure someone not raised in Gaelic in a Gaelic environment could really appreciate traditional Gaelic songs, and he went on to explain that he meant that was is required is an awareness of the word music, of the resonances of words and images, and so on. I think that one result of a singer’s awareness of these things is a characteristic musical pulse: a pulse that is maybe un-analyzable and very difficult to learn or imitate, but unmistakable.

It is true that the words of many Highland songs are less immediately impressive and strikingly lyrical than their Irish counterparts. Their full impact comes when they are heard sung by someone singing out of the heart of the tradition, and I think that even then, there is in the art that which is not easily defined: something that cannot be reduced to its parts.

Kitty MacLeoid of Lewis  (1914 - 2000) was one such person. (Sorley thought so too: QQ) Here, before we look at bare words, she sings three verses of #4.

https://www.tobarandualchais.co.uk/track/80821?l=en

Here is a link that will take you to a recording of her on the Tobar a’ Dualchais website. It will remove you from this page too, but I’ll still be here when you get back.

Here is a quote from an obituary so you don’t have to there:

 "Kitty MacLeod was born at Kasauli, a hill station on the southern slopes of the Himalayas, near the British army headquarters at Simla. Her mother had gone to India shortly before the start of the first World War to be with her husband, then serving with the Seaforth Highlanders. He was captured at the siege of Kut, in Mesopotamia, and was pronounced "missing in action, believed dead".

Mrs MacLeod took her baby daughter back to the Isle of Lewis. Two years later, her husband turned up in a military hospital in Alexandria, unable to speak his own name. He was brought back to Britain, and his faculties were restored after his daughter visited his bedside.

The family settled in Lewis, where music was an important part of their lives, in what was then a largely monolingual society.

…For many years, she virtually turned her back on the commercial music industry, which she believed to have been exploitative towards both the music and the people who performed it. However, her much-broadcast, early recordings on Parlophone from before the second World War, and the memory of concert appearances in her heyday, ensured that she retained an enormous amount of professional and public respect.”

I’m not saying, by the way, that the unanalyzable pulse thing is not in Irish song too. It is, though slightly more regular. Here are links to two examples, and, look, Ma: neither is even from Conamara.

(I'm working on it, trying to get the file to come here. Meanwhile, here's someone else

https://www.tobarandualchais.co.uk/track/80821?l=en

 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H4nvNWrON3g

The four songs are:

1)       MacGriogair a Ruadh-Shruth  (MacGregor of Roro)

2)       Saighdean Ghlinn Liobhann (Arrows of Glen Lyon)

3)       Clann Ghriogair air Fogradh  (Clan Mac Gregor Proscribed)

4)       4) Cumha Ghriogair Mhic Ghriogair Ghlinn Sreith (Lament for Gregor MacGregor of Glenstra 1570)  (Often known also as Griogail Chridhe)

I give the titles as in Bardachd Ghaidhlig: Gaelic Poetry 1550-1900, Watson, William J: An Cumann  Gidhealach, 1959. They are modern, but the songs themselves date from 1570 to the late 17th century.

 

From #4 ( attrributed to the executed Griorair MacGriogoir’s wife)

Is trugh nach robh mi an riocht na h-uiseig,                 A pity I can’t take the lark's shape

Spionnadh Ghriogair ann mo láimh:                            and Griogair’s strength in my hand.

Is í an chlach a b’áirde anns a’ chaisteal                      The stone that’s highest in their castle

A’ chlach a b’fhaisge do’n bhlár.                                  Would be the stone closest to the ground

Ged tha mnathan cháich aig baile                                 Although all the other women are at home

‘nan laighe a’s ‘nan cadal sámh,                                   lying (in bed) and sleeping soundly

Is ann bhios mise aig bhruaich mo leapa                       I am always there beside my own bed

A’ bualadh mo dhá láimh.                                              Stroking my two hands together.

 

From #3

Is mi suidhe an so am ónar                                            I am here sitting all alone

Air cómhnard an rathaid,                                               on the height beside the road

Dh’fheuch am faic mi fear-fuadain                                watching to see if a refugee comes

Tighinn o Chruachan a’ cheathaich…                            out of the mists of Cruachan.

 

Gun seachnadh Righ nan Dúl sibh,                               May God of the elements guard you

O fhúdar caol neimhe:                                                   against venomous fine gunpowder

O shradagan teine,                                                          against sparks of fire,

O pheileir ‘s o shaighid,                                                  against bullet and arrow

O sgian na rinn caoile                                                      against the narrow-edged knives

Is on fhaobhar geur claidhimh                                         and against the sharp edge of swords.

 

From #1

Ort a bheirinn-sa comhairl’                                               To you I’d give advice

Nan gabhadh tu dhiom i:                                                   if you’lll accept it from me

An uair théid thu ‘n taigh ósda                                          When you go to the inn

Na -ól ann ach aoindeoch.                                                  Drink only one there

Gabh do dhrama ‘nad sheasamh,                                        Take your drink standing

A’s bí freasdlach mu d’ dhaonibh…                                   And pay attention to your folk.

Déan do leaba ‘sna cragaibh.                                             Make your bed in the crags

A’s na dean cadal ach aotrom.                                           And only sleep lightly

Ge h-ainneamh an fheórag.                                               Though the squirrel is rarely met with

Gheibhear seól air a faotainn:                                            he can be taken with snares.

Ge h-uasal an seabhag,                                                      though the hawk is a noble bird,

Is tric a ghabhar le foil e.                                                   often he’s caught through treachery

 

(You can find more information on this manuscript, The Book of the Dean of Lismore, in the National Library of Scotland section on the Irish Script on Screen site.)

(It survived, by the way, because a 17th century Dean appropriated it and took it with him home to East Inverness-shire, where a descendent of his, a parish priest in the 18th century was the friend of a friend of a very early manuscript collector.)

Many of the more substantial poems by Highland poets are printed and translated in Scottish Verse from the Book of the Dean of Lismore, ed. Watson, Scottish Gaelic Texts Society, 1937  Ossianic poems are in Heroic Poetry from the Book of the Dean of Lismore, edited by Ross.

)If you’re interested in MacGregors, Campbells and so on, Peter Lawrie’s Glen Discovery site has many articles making available a lot of information in an intelligent way. Ronald Black minutely examines the specifics of Campbell hegemony as laid out on the landscape and in time. See the bibliography of his publications.

I’ll end with a great piece of music and video accompanying a translation of one of Sorley MacLean’s great poems, a cry from heart and intellect together for what had already been lost in Raasay when he grew up.

Here is to all the age-old little Irish and Highland worlds that have disappeared, most without documentation.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QeSrkZfpAjc#ddg-play

 

 

 

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